Ish-emisari i posaçëm amerikan për Ballkanin, Robert Gelbard, tha se akuzat ndaj Hashim Thaçit "janë jashtëzakonisht të rëndësishme dhe po aq serioze sa që për to duhet patjetër zbatuar hetime".
Ish-emisari i posaçëm amerikan për Ballkanin, Robert Gelbard, duke folur rreth fillimit të dialogut mes Beogradit dhe Prishtinës, pas raportit të Dik Martit për trafikim me organe njerëzore, tha se akuzat ndaj Hashim Thaçit `janë jashtëzakonisht të rëndësishme dhe po aq serioze sa që për to duhet patjetër zbatuar hetime`.
Ndërkaq për Dik Martin, Gelbard tha se "është i prirur për senzacione, por ai ka paraqitur akuza serioze të cilat duhet të hetohen". "Mirëpo akuzat në lidhje me Thaçin nuk kanë ndikim në çështjet e pavarësisë së Kosovës", theksoi Gelbard. Ai i shpreh mirënjohje qeverisë së Thaçit, për të cilën tha se ka vënë në dukje se ekzistojnë çështje praktike midis dy vendeve fqinje që duhet zgjidhur.
"Rasti i Thaçit nuk duhet të jetë pengesë në rrugën drejt zgjidhjes së çështjeve të tilla të cilat janë në interes të ndërsjellë të Prishtinës dhe Beogradit ", tha Gelbard në një intervistë për `Zërin e Amerikës”.
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Kryeministri i Kosovës, është shef i një grupi “mafioz” shqiptarësh përgjegjës për kontrabandë me armë, drogë dhe organe të njerëzve përmes Evropës lindore, thuhet në një raport hetues të Këshillit të Evropës mbi krimin e organizuar.
Dik Marti
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Hashim Thaqi, Fatmir Limaj, Sylejman Selimi Fehmi Mujota
Lexojeni në anglisht raportin.
Raporti i Dik Martit nw Anglisht
Rapporteur: Mr Dick Marty, Switzerland, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe
1. Introductory remarks – an overview
1. Introductory remarks – an overview
Ndërkaq për Dik Martin, Gelbard tha se "është i prirur për senzacione, por ai ka paraqitur akuza serioze të cilat duhet të hetohen". "Mirëpo akuzat në lidhje me Thaçin nuk kanë ndikim në çështjet e pavarësisë së Kosovës", theksoi Gelbard. Ai i shpreh mirënjohje qeverisë së Thaçit, për të cilën tha se ka vënë në dukje se ekzistojnë çështje praktike midis dy vendeve fqinje që duhet zgjidhur.
"Rasti i Thaçit nuk duhet të jetë pengesë në rrugën drejt zgjidhjes së çështjeve të tilla të cilat janë në interes të ndërsjellë të Prishtinës dhe Beogradit ", tha Gelbard në një intervistë për `Zërin e Amerikës”.
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uardian: Hashim Thaçi, “bosi i mafies”
Kryeministri i Kosovës, është shef i një grupi “mafioz” shqiptarësh përgjegjës për kontrabandë me armë, drogë dhe organe të njerëzve përmes Evropës lindore, thuhet në një raport hetues të Këshillit të Evropës mbi krimin e organizuar.
Hashim Thaçi është identifikuar si “bosi” i një rrjeti që ka filluar të merret me shantazhe kriminale pas luftës së Kosovës në vitin 1999, dhe ka mbajtur ndikim të fuqishëm në qeverisjen e vendit që nga ajo kohë.
Raporti i një hetimi dy-vjeçar, i cili citon burime të FBI-së dhe të shëbimeve tjera të inteligjencës, është marrë nga gazeta britanike, “The Guardian”. Në të Thaçi përmendet si ushtrues i “kontrollit të dhunshëm” në tregtinë me heroinë.
Figura nga rrethi i ngushtë i akuzohen se kanë mbajtur në mënyrë të fshehtë robër përgjatë kufirit në Shqipëri pas luftës, ku thuhet se disa serbë janë vrarë për veshkët e tyre, të cilat janë shitur në tregun e zi.
Dick Marty, hetues për të drejtat e njeriut prapa këtij hetimi, do ta paraqes raportin e tij para diplomatëve evropianë nga të gjitha 47 shtetet anëtare gjatë një takimi në Paris ditën enjte.
Raporti i tij thekson se lidhjet e Thaçit me krimin e organizuar datojnë qysh një dekadë më parë, kur besnikët e Grupit të tij të Drenicës, siç raporton “The Guardian”, u bënë fraksion dominues përbrenda UÇK-së.
Thuhet se supremacia e grupit ndaj grupeve të vogla në lëvizjen guerila u ka mundësuar atyre, nga viti 1998, të marrin nën kontroll “shumicën e ndërmarrjeve të paligjshme kriminale” në të cilat kosovarët ishin përfshirë në jug të kufirit, në Shqipëri.
Gjatë konfliktit të Kosovës, trupat e armatosura të Slobodan Milosheviqit reaguan ndaj sulmeve të bërë nga UÇK-ja duke orkestruar një fushatë të tmerrshme të spastrimit etnik kundër shqiptarëve në Kosovë. Rreth 10,000 vlerësohet se kanë vdekur në duart e trupave të armatosura serbe. ( The Guardian)
The Guardian, edhe BBC: Thaçi kryemafioz
Pas publikimit fillestar në gazetën The Guardian, edhe BBC shkruan se ndaj kryeministrit të Kosovës, Hashim Thaçi rëndojnë “akuza serioze” në raportin e Këshillit të Evropës, raport ky që pritet të botohet ditën e enjte.
BBC, në edicionin online të saj shkruan se është vënë në zotërim të një kopje të raportit të përbërë nga 27 faqe. Aty, sipas BBC, përmendet emri i kryeministrit aktual të Kosovës dhe ish-liderit politik të UÇK-së, për trafik organesh njerëzore, trafik droge dhe trafik armësh që kryhej nëpërmjet kalimit të të burgosurve të UÇK-së, si serbë ashtu edhe shqiptarë, për në kufirin me Shqipërinë. I njëjti burim shkruan se në raport paraqiten prova edhe për lidhje me krimin e organizuar edhe në ditët e sotme.
Raporti, sipas BBC, është produkt i punës 2 vjeçare hetuese të Raportuesit Special të Këshillit të Evropës, Dick Marty dhe do të paraqitet para Komitetit të të Drejtave të Njeriut në Këshillin e Evropës në Strasburg ditën e enjte.
Qeveria e Kosovës përgënjeshtroi lajmin e shpërndarë nëpërmjet The Guardian, duke e cilësuar atë si një gënjeshtër ndaj së cilës do të ndërmerren të gjitha hapat e nevojshme politike e juridike. (bbc)
Marti akuzon liderët e UÇK-së për trafikim me organe njerëzore
Dik Marti
Raportuesi i Këshillit të Evropës, Dik Marti, ka akuzuar liderët e Ushtrisë Çlirimtare të Kosovës se në vitin 1999 kanë organizuar rrëmbimin e njerëzve të cilëve në Shqipëri u janë marrë organet për trafikim, raporton gazeta Gardian e Londrës.
Në këtë raport thuhet se forcat ndërkombëtare nuk kanë bërë asgjë për zgjidhjen e këtij rasti, ndonëse siç thuhet kanë pasur dëshmi.
Ish prokurori shtetëror i Zvicrës, Dik Marti në projekt rezolutën për trafikim me organet njerëzore, vë në pah se ekzistojnë shumë dëshmi dhe indikacione që dëshmojnë se serbët dhe shqiptarët ishin në burgjet të fshehta në veri të Shqipërisë, që ishin nën kontrollin e UÇK-së.
Raporti i Dik Martit do të shqyrtohet të enjten në takimin e Këshillit të Evropës.
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a raporti për UÇK-në dhe Grupin e Drenicës
Hashim Thaqi, Fatmir Limaj, Sylejman Selimi Fehmi Mujota
Gazeta The Guardian nuk e ka pasur të vështirë ta siguroj raportin për UÇK-në të Dick Martyt, i cili do të diskutohet të enjten në Asamblenë Parlamentare të Këshillit të Evropës. Ky raport është publikuar në web faqen e Këshillit të Evropës më 12 dhjetor.
Në të shkruan se UÇK-ja qëndron pas trafikimit të organeve me njerëz, që kishte filluar në vitet 98-99, për të vazhduar edhe pas luftës. Aty përmendet se në krye të grupit të Drenicës qëndron kryeministri aktual Hashim Thaçi, si bosi kryesor i mafias. Raporti rreth 30 faqesh, i cili thirret në agjencitë sekrete pa i përmendur emrat e tyre, shkruan grupit i Drenicës gjatë dhe pas luftës administron tokën dhe nëntokën e Kosovës ndërsa me kohë ka shtrirë rrënjët në pushtet.
Anëtarë të tjerë që veprojnë me Thaçin janë Kadri Veseli, Xhavit Halit e këshilltari i tij kryesor për shëndetësi, Shaip Muja, që sipas raportit udhëheq trafikimin ndërkombëtar të organeve të njerëzve. “Ky grup i Drenicës ka filluar të menaxhoj me fondet për UÇK-në, ndërsa pas luftës ata krijuan rrjet ndërkombëtar të krimit të organizuar, duke shtrirë ndikimin në shumë pjesë të Evropës. Veprimtaria kryesore është e fokusuar në Kosovë dhe Shqipëri, ndërsa shpesh e kanë pasur edhe përkrahjen e shërbimit inteligjent shqiptar. Shaip Muja, këshilltari kryesor i Thaçit është njeriu më i besueshëm i tij, që ka qenë i angazhuar qysh herët”.
Lexojeni në anglisht raportin.
Raporti i Dik Martit nw Anglisht
Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights
Inhuman treatment of people and illicit trafficking in human organs in Kosovo*
Draft report
Rapporteur: Mr Dick Marty, Switzerland, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe
A. Preliminary draft resolution
1. The Parliamentary Assembly was extremely concerned to learn of the revelations of the former Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), who alleged that serious crimes had been committed during the conflict in Kosovo, including trafficking in human organs, crimes which had gone unpunished hitherto and had not been the subject of any serious investigation.
2. In addition, according to the former Prosecutor, these acts had been committed by members of the "Kosovo Liberation Army" (KLA) militia against Serbian nationals who had remained in Kosovo at the end of the armed conflict and been taken prisoner.
3. According to the information gathered by the Assembly and to the criminal investigations now under way, numerous concrete and convergent indications confirm that some Serbians and some Albanian Kosovars were held prisoner in secret places of detention under KLA control in northern Albania and were subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, before ultimately disappearing.
4. Numerous indications seem to confirm that, during the period immediately after the end of the armed conflict, before international forces had really been able to take control of the region and re-establish a semblance of law and order, organs were removed from some prisoners at a clinic in Albanian territory, near Fushë-Krujë, to be taken abroad for transplantation.
5. This criminal activity, which developed with the benefit of the chaos prevailing in the region, at the initiative of certain KLA militia leaders linked to organised crime, has continued, albeit in other forms, until today, as demonstrated by an investigation being carried out by the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) relating to the Medicus clinic in Pristina.
6. Although some concrete evidence of such trafficking already existed at the beginning of the decade, the international authorities in charge of the region did not consider it necessary to conduct a detailed examination of these circumstances, or did so incompletely and superficially.
* All reference to Kosovo, whether to the territory, institutions or population, in this text shall be understood in full compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 and without prejudice to the status of Kosovo.
7. Particularly during the first years of their presence in Kosovo, the international organisations responsible for security and the rule of law (KFOR and UNMIK) had to cope with major structural problems and serious shortages of staff with the skills to take on the tasks they were entrusted with, all this being aggravated by rapid and constant staff rotation.
8. The ICTY, which had started to conduct an initial examination on the spot to establish the existence of traces of possible organ trafficking, dropped the investigation. The elements of proof taken in Rripe, in Albania, have been destroyed and cannot therefore be used for more detailed analyses. No subsequent investigation has been carried out into a case nevertheless considered sufficiently serious by the former ICTY Prosecutor for her to see the need to bring it to public attention through her book.
9. During the decisive phase of the armed conflict, NATO took action in the form of air strikes, while land operations were conducted by the KLA, de facto allies of the international forces. Following the departure of the Serbian authorities, the international bodies responsible for security in Kosovo very much relied on the political forces in power in Kosovo, most of them former KLA leaders.
10. The international organisations in place in Kosovo favoured a pragmatic political approach, taking the view that they needed to promote short-term stability at any price, thereby sacrificing some important principles of justice. For a long time little was done to follow-up evidence implicating KLA members in crimes against the Serbian population and against certain Albanian Kosovars. Immediately after the conflict ended, in effect, when the KLA had virtually exclusive control on the ground, many scores were settled between different factions and against those considered, without any kind of trial, to be traitors because they were suspected of having collaborated with the Serbian authorities previously in place.
11. EULEX, which took over certain functions in the justice sector previously fulfilled by UN structures (UNMIK) at the end of 2008, inherited a difficult and sensitive situation, particularly in the sphere of combating serious crime: incomplete records, lost documents, uncollected witness testimony. Consequently, a large number of crimes may well continue to go unpunished. Little or no detailed investigation has been carried out into organised crime and its connections with representatives of political institutions, or in respect of war crimes committed against Serbians and Albanian Kosovars regarded as collaborators or as rivals of the dominant factions. This last-named subject is still truly taboo in Kosovo today, although everybody talks about it in private, very cautiously. EULEX seems very recently to have made some progress in this field, and it is very much to be hoped that political considerations will not impede this commitment.
12. The team of international prosecutors and investigators within EULEX which is responsible for investigating allegations of inhuman treatment, including those relating to possible organ trafficking, has made progress, particularly in respect of proving the existence of secret KLA places of detention in northern Albania where inhuman treatment and even murders are said to have been committed. The investigation does not, however, benefit from the desirable co-operation from the Albanian authorities.
13. The appalling crimes committed by Serbian forces, which stirred up very strong feelings worldwide, gave rise to a mood reflected as well in the attitude of certain international agencies, according to which it was invariably one side that were regarded as the perpetrators of crimes and the other side as the victims, thus necessarily innocent. The reality is less clear-cut and more complex.
14. The Parliamentary Assembly strongly reaffirms the need for an absolutely uncompromising fight against impunity for the perpetrators of serious human rights violations, and wishes to point out that the fact that these were committed in the context of a violent conflict could never justify a decision to refrain from prosecuting anyone who has committed such acts (see Resolution 1675 (2009)).
15. There cannot and must not be one justice for the winners and another for the losers. Whenever a conflict has occurred, all criminals must be prosecuted and held responsible for their illegal acts, whichever side they belonged to and irrespective of the political role they took on.
16. The question which, from the humanitarian viewpoint, remains the most acute and sensitive is that of missing persons. Of more than 6,000 disappearances on which the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened files, approximately 1,400 individuals have been found alive and 2,500 corpses have been found and identified. For the most part, these were Albanian Kosovar victims found in mass graves in regions under Serbian control and in Kosovo. To the almost 1,900 persons who went missing during the conflict and whose fate has still not been established (approximately two-thirds of whom are Albanian Kosovars) must be added almost 500 persons who disappeared after the arrival of KFOR troops on 12 June 1999, about 100 of whom were Albanian Kosovars and close to 400 non-Albanians, most of them Serbians.
17. Co-operation is still clearly insufficient between international agencies on the one hand and the Kosovar and Albanian authorities on the other on finding out the fate of the missing persons. Whereas Serbia ultimately co-operated, it has proved far more complicated to carry out excavations on the territory of Kosovo, and has been impossible, at least so far, on Albanian territory. Co-operation by the Kosovar authorities is particularly lacking in respect of the search for the almost 500 persons who officially disappeared after the end of the conflict.
18. The working group on missing persons, chaired by the ICRC and the EULEX Office on Missing Persons, needs the full and wholehearted support of the international community in order for the reluctance on both sides to be overcome. Knowing the truth and enabling victims' families to mourn at last is a vital precondition for reconciliation between the communities and a peaceful future in this region of the Balkans.
19. The Assembly therefore invites:
19.1 the member states of the European Union and the other contributing states:
19.1.1 to allocate to EULEX the resources that it needs, in terms of logistics and highly skilled staff, to deal with the extraordinarily complex and important role entrusted to it;
19.1.2 to set EULEX a clear objective and give it political support at the highest level to combat organised crime uncompromisingly, and to ensure that justice is done, without any considerations of political expediency;
19.1.3 to commit all the resources needed to set up effective witness protection programmes;
19.2 EULEX:
19.2.1 to persevere with its investigative work, without taking any account of the offices held by possible suspects or of the origin of the victims, doing everything to cast light on the criminal disappearances, the indications of organ trafficking, corruption and the collusion so often complained of between organised criminal groups and political circles;
19.2.2 to take every measure necessary to ensure effective protection for witnesses and to gain their trust;
19.3 the ICTY to co-operate fully with EULEX, particularly by making available to it the information and elements of proof in its possession likely to help EULEX to prosecute those responsible for crimes within its jurisdiction;
19.4 the Serbian authorities:
19.4.1 to make every effort to capture the persons still wanted by the ICTY for war crimes, particularly General Ratko Mladic and Goran Hadzic, whose impunity continues to constitute a serious obstacle to the process of reconciliation and is often referred to by the authorities of other countries to justify their lack of enthusiasm about taking judicial action themselves;
19.4.2 to co-operate closely with EULEX, particularly by passing to it all information which may help to clear up crimes committed during and after the conflict in Kosovo;
19.4.3 to take the necessary measures to prevent leaks to the press of information about investigations concerning Kosovo, leaks which are prejudicial to co-operation with other authorities and to the credibility of the investigative work;
19.5 the Albanian authorities and the Kosovo administration :
19.5.1 to co-operate unreservedly with EULEX and the Serbian authorities in the framework of procedures intended to find out the truth about crimes committed in Kosovo, irrespective of the known or assumed origin of the suspects and the victims;
19.5.2 in particular, to take action on the requests for judicial assistance made by EULEX concerning criminal acts alleged to have occurred in a KLA camp in northern Albania;
19.5.3 to start a serious and independent investigation in order to find out the whole truth about the allegations, sometimes concrete and specific, of the existence of secret detention centres where inhuman treatment was purportedly inflicted on prisoners from Kosovo, of Serbian or Albanian origin, during and immediately after the conflict; the investigation must also be extended to a verification of the equally specific allegations about organ trafficking said to have taken place during the same period, some of it on Albanian territory;
19.6 all the Council of Europe member and observer states concerned:
19.6.1 to respond without undue delay to the requests for judicial co-operation addressed to them by EULEX and by the Serbian authorities in the framework of their current investigations concerning war crimes and organ trafficking; the delayed response to these requests is incomprehensible and intolerable in view of the importance and urgency of international co-operation to deal with such serious and dangerous crime problems;
19.6.2 to co-operate with EULEX in its efforts to protect witnesses, especially when the persons concerned can no longer continue to live in the region and must therefore adopt a new identity and find a new country of residence;
20. The Assembly, aware that trafficking of human organs is now an extremely serious problem worldwide, manifestly contravening the most basic standards in terms of human rights and dignity, welcomes and concurs with the conclusions of the joint study published in 2009 by the Council of Europe and the United Nations Organisation. It agrees in particular with the conclusion that it is necessary to draft an international legal instrument, which lays down definitions of human organ, tissue and cell trafficking and lays out the action that shall be taken in order to prevent such trafficking and to protect its victims, as well as criminal law measures to prosecute the perpetrators.
B. Explanatory memorandum by Mr Dick Marty
Contents
1. Introductory remarks – an overview
2. Introductory commentary on sources
3. Detailed findings of our inquiry
3.1 The overall picture
3.2 KLA factionalism and the nexus with organised crime
3.3 Detention facilities and the inhuman treatment of captives
3.3.1. KLA detentions in wartime
3.3.1.1. First subset of captives: the “prisoners of war”
3.3.1.1.1. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Cahan
3.3.1.1.2. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Kukës
3.3.1.1.2. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Kukës
3.3.2. Post-conflict detentions carried out by KLA members and affiliates
3.3.2.1. Second subset of captives: the “disappeared”
3.3.2.1.1. Case study on the nature of the facilities: Rripe
3.3.2.1.2. Observations on the conditions of detention and transport
3.3.2.2. Third subset of captives: the “victims of organised crime”
Case study on the nature of the facilities: Fushë-Krujë
4. Medicus clinic
5. Reflections on the “glass ceiling of accountability” in Kosovo
1. Introductory remarks – an overview
1. In April 2008 Madam Carla Del Ponte, the former Chief Prosecutor before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), published a set of memoirs, co-authored with Chuck Sudetic, on her experiences within the tribunal. The book initially came out in Italian (“La caccia – Io e i criminali di guerra”), then in translation, notably in French (“La traque, les criminels de guerre et moi”). In the book, almost ten years after the end of the war in Kosovo, there appeared revelations of trafficking in human organs taken from Serb prisoners, reportedly carried out by leading commanders of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). These claims were surprising in several respects and have provoked a host of strong reactions. They were surprising, in the first place, because they emanated from someone who exercised the highest official responsibilities, at the very heart of the judicial system tasked with prosecuting the crimes committed in the course of the conflicts that ravaged the former Yugoslavia. Furthermore, and above all, they were surprising because they revealed an apparent absence of official follow-up in respect of allegations that were nevertheless deemed serious enough to warrant inclusion in the memoirs of the former Prosecutor could hardly have ignored the grave and far-reaching nature of the allegations she had decided to make public.
2. Having before it a motion for a Resolution (doc.11574), which demanded a thorough investigation into the acts mentioned by Madam Del Ponte and their consequences, in order to ascertain their veracity, deliver justice to the victims and apprehend the culprits of the crimes, the Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights appointed me as Rapporteur and accordingly instructed me to propose a preliminary draft resolution and to draw up a report.
3. The extraordinary challenges of this assignment were immediately clear. The acts alleged – by a former prosecutor of international standing, let us remember – purportedly took place a decade ago and were not properly investigated by any of the national and international authorities with jurisdiction over the territories concerned. All the indications are that efforts to establish the facts of the Kosovo conflict and punish the attendant war crimes had primarily been concentrated in one direction, based on an implicit presumption that one side were the victims and the other side the perpetrators. As we shall see, the reality seems to have been more complex. The structure of Kosovar Albanian society, still very much clan-orientated, and the absence of a true civil society have made it extremely difficult to set up contacts with local sources. This is compounded by fear, often to the point of genuine terror, which we have observed in some of our informants immediately upon broaching the subject of our inquiry. Even certain representatives of international institutions did not conceal their reluctance to grapple with these facts: “The past is the past”, we were told; “we must now look to the future”. The Albanian authorities intimated that their territory had not been affected by the conflict and that they had no reason to open an inquiry. The Serbian authorities did react, albeit rather belatedly, but so far without having achieved any significant results. For its part the ICTY carried out an exploratory mission to the site of the notorious “Yellow House”, though proceeding in a fairly superficial way and with a standard of professionalism that prompts some bewilderment. In addition, the ICTY’s mandate was restricted to a clearly defined timeframe and territory: the international tribunal was enjoined to try those suspected of crimes committed only up to June 1999, marking the end of the Kosovo conflict, and its jurisdiction does not extend to Albania, except in instances where Albania expressly authorises investigations to take place on its territory.
